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Demonstrations erupted across the Middle East on Sunday as Muslims protested Saudi Arabia’s execution of prominent Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr.
Demonstrations took place in Bahrain, Turkey, Pakistan and northern India. Protesters in the Iranian capital, Tehran, broke into the Saudi Embassy early Sunday morning, setting fires and throwing papers from the roof before being dispersed by police.
By Sunday afternoon, crowds of protesters had gathered outside Saudi embassies in Beirut and Tehran, and protests were expected in al-Nimr’s hometown of Al-Qatif in eastern Saudi Arabia, AP reported.
Al-Nimr’s execution adds a rancorous new chapter to the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East. Here’s a look at the aftermath and the regional implications:

  Who Was Sheikh Nimr?
Al-Nimr, who was in his 50s, was a widely revered Shia Muslim cleric from eastern Saudi Arabia who was convicted in Oct. 2014 of sedition and other charges and sentenced to death. He was an outspoken government critic and a key leader of Shia protests in eastern Saudi Arabia in 2011.
He was also a critic of the government of Bahrain, where a Sunni-led monarchy suppressed protests by Shias who make up the majority of the tiny island nation. Saudi Arabia sent troops to help Bahrain crush the uprising; concerned it would spread and destabilize other Arab Persian Gulf countries.
Al-Nimr, however, also spoke out against the government in Syria.
He directly criticized the Al Saud ruling family for its domestic policies and forcefully spoke out against individual royal family members. Al-Nimr did not deny the political charges against him, but maintained he never carried weapons or called for violence.

  Why Is His Execution Important?
His death is seen by some as a warning to anyone thinking of calling for reforms and wider political freedoms in Saudi Arabia. His death also strikes a sensitive chord for Saudi Shias who are discriminated against by the authorities in the kingdom where many ultraconservatives Sunnis view Shias as heretics.
Several Shia mosques and places of worship were targeted by Sunni extremists in 2015 in eastern Saudi Arabia, despite attempts by security forces to clamp down on the self-styled Islamic State terrorist group’s supporters who have also targeted police.
Al-Nimr’s execution came as a surprise to even his own family, his brother Mohammed al-Nimr told AP.
Despite harsh verdicts against government critics, activists are typically given long jail sentences even after initial appeals that uphold death sentences.
His death is expected to further exacerbate the proxy wars for regional supremacy being fought across the region.

  How Will This Impact Sunni-Shia Relations?
Upon Al-Nimr’s death, Iran’s Shia clerics lashed out at Saudi Arabia, which is founded upon an ultraconservative Sunni ideology known as Wahhabism. Many extremist Wahhabis regard all Shias as heretics.
Iran’s Leader Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei warned Riyadh of “divine revenge” and both Saudi and Iran summoned each other’s diplomatic envoys in protest. Saudi Arabia later announced it was severing diplomatic relations with Iran.
The Saudis have been vying for leadership of the Muslim world since Iran’s 1979 revolution. The US war in Iraq further enflamed religious and ethnic tensions by leading to a Shia-led government in Baghdad and a crucial shift in the sectarian balance of power in the region.
After Arab Spring protests erupted in 2011, Saudi Arabia and Iran openly supported the opposite sides of the Syria conflict. They also support opposing political groups in Lebanon, Iraq and Bahrain.

 

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By: Mohammad Javad Zarif

 

 Syrians must be allowed to determine their own fate, free from the interference of those set on promoting a petro-fuelled perversion of Islam.

The International Syria Support Group has provided a unique forum for important discussions among a number of significant players, and there is genuine potential to turn the existing political will to help forge peace into tangible action towards this noble end.

Focus must turn to the political process, and the imperative of a unified front against extremist violence. Yet progress continues to be hindered by preconditions which have prolonged the violence and bloodshed for four years. Indeed, what is most ironic and distressing about these preconditions is that they do not represent the wishes of the Syrian people; rather, they reflect the agendas of outside actors, none of whom have the right to impose their will on an independent nation.

The Syrian people do not need guardians. The age of mandates and protectorates is long gone. It is utterly absurd that those who have denied their own population the most rudimentary tenets of democracy, such as a constitution and elections, are now self-declared champions of democracy in Syria. Their democracy, however, is not to give Syrians a voice, but instead to thwart the political process by stonewalling a ceasefire, while pushing for self-proclaimed al-Qaida affiliates to have a prominent place at the negotiating table.

Indeed, it is alarming that some are oblivious to how bands of villains such as Isis or al-Qaida’s multiple incarnations and reincarnations are a common threat to all of us, including their patrons. It is delusional to believe that sponsoring these terrorists, directly or through their newborn ideological siblings, can ever be an asset or leverage to achieve even short-term political objectives. Yet those who support militant extremism are not only continuing to do so, but they sponsor terror with impunity. They even use their political patronages and web of lobbyists to seek to legitimize such assistance, and its recipients, by differentiating between “good terrorists” and “bad terrorists”.

Beyond slaughtering countless innocents, the hooded villains have proven that while terrorism has no religion, no nationality or ethnic background, it certainly has backers with known addresses and horrific agendas. Ask Syrians. Or Iraqis, who during the past 12 years have been the target of almost 2,000 suicide bombings. The perpetrators of these atrocities, and those who created carnage in New York, London, Madrid, Peshawar, Beirut, Tunis, Paris and San Bernardino all have one common thread. They were all radicalized by demagogues preaching the same petro-fuelled perversion of Islam.

What happened in New York that fateful September morning 14 years ago, and the response, is directly linked to the tragedies in Paris, Beirut and San Bernardino during the past few weeks. Despite its immense cost of hundreds of thousands of lives and more than $400tn, the so-called “war on terror” has failed to achieve its purported objective. The perverted ideology behind groups such as al-Qaida not only lives, but thrives. It has spawned ever more vile manifestations of raw hatred and open thirst for blood. Hooded villains are now ravaging the cradle of civilization.

Terrorists should never have been allowed to set the agenda, or dictate the response. These villains are the offspring of indiscriminate retribution, failure to unite in confronting the roots of terrorism, and continued impunity extended to those so-called allies who perceive extremism as an asset or leverage. We must all recognize that security cannot be achieved at the expense of the insecurity of others. Unless there is a serious change in the course of action, violent extremism will haunt us all, including the hands that feed it.

Make no mistake: for the past four years, Syria has been ground zero in nothing short of a paramount fight for our future. I say “our” – repeating the theme of a recent message by Ayatollah Khamenei, who called the menace of perverted extremism “our common worry” – because the world’s fate is common. No one is immune from the consequences of the outcome of the existential battle that we need to fight.

From the outset of the Syrian crisis, Iran’s position has rested on three pillars: respect for the wishes and free will of the Syrian nation to decide its own destiny and to manage its own affairs; opposition to foreign interference geared to impose the wishes of outside actors on an independent people; and rejection of terrorism as a tool to achieve political objectives.

Based on these pillars, Iran has always insisted that there is no military solution to the Syrian crisis. Only ballots – not bullets – can ultimately usher in a new era in Syria. To this end, Iran has consistently advocated an immediate ceasefire and an end to the bloodshed; dialogue between the Syrian government and the opposition groups who reject terrorism; a concerted and genuine international effort to uproot extremist violence; and a global campaign to address the humanitarian catastrophe now, and to rebuild Syria once the flames of war subside.

The International Syria Support Group should encourage, facilitate and enable Syrians to change the course of their future, and by extension, change the course of our collective future. To do so, all must join hands to put into effect an immediate end to the bloodshed and vigorously focus on promoting an inclusive intra-Syrian political process, bringing together all Syrians with a vested interest in a brighter tomorrow. We must close ranks in the fight against extremist violence and terror, while not allowing rage to come in the way of collective reflection and wisdom for a rational and joint response.

Most importantly, we must together work to confront the roots of extremist violence, including double standards, marginalization, repression, xenophobia and Islamophobia. If not, our children, and their children, will be forced to. And at much greater cost.

 

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Ambassador to France Ali Ahani said consultations are being held to arrange an appropriate date for the upcoming visit of President Hassan Rouhani to France.
Rouhani's trip to three European destinations, including France, was first scheduled to be held on 15 November, but it was cancelled following a spate of deadly terror attacks by the Islamic State militant group in Paris, which left 130 dead and 368 injured and came as a shock to Europe.
"The French government needed to focus on the issue," Ahani said in an interview with ISNA on Tuesday. "A decision was made to postpone the trip so the meetings could produce better outcomes."
Asked about Tehran-Paris ties in recent years, Ahani said historical, wide-ranging bilateral relations were severely undermined in the shadow of disputes regarding Iran's nuclear program, cruel sanctions against the Iranian nation and the propaganda campaign of those who oppose good Iran-France ties.
Ahani said since last year, when preliminary agreements were reached in nuclear negotiations between Iran and the major world powers, the situation started to change.
"Increased exchange of visits by the two countries' officials and the urgent need for stopping terrorist groups signal that warmer relations can be expected," he said.
"With a strong desire, the two sides should continue to develop ties and help advance mutual interests."
Ahani said removal of sanctions would provide French companies with a new space for maneuver, allowing them to offset the costs imposed on them by sanctions.
"The upcoming trip of the president of French Senate would significantly help improve bilateral ties," he said.
Starting a four-day trip, President of the French Senate Gerard Larcher is to arrive in Iran on December 19 to hold talks with senior officials.

 

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کتاب عملیات بانکی در عرصه بین الملل -سرفصل ها،ضمائم ،توصیه صاحب‏نظران ارزی و مدیران ارشد بانکی

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